The glass façade of the house allows sunrays to penetrate into the gallery where her paintings hang on the walls. The sunlight plays with the colors of the paintings, and light and shadow dance in that space in the center of which hangs a chandelier with nine lights like paratroopers distributing light in the night of the room.

A stairway leading upstairs; doors leading to rooms; and deep within, a back door that leads to a garden and a pond decorated with deep blue ceramics; surrounded by palm trees and other plants near a linen rope swing, a table and chairs perfect for meditation.

In an interview with “Emirates Today” Jurgita said: “I don’t want to reproduce reality in my art”. She believes that “the studio is the place for creative solitude”. She describes Dubai, which she has come to love, and so decided to make her home, as a “city of ideas”.

During our conversation, Jurgita spoke of her childhood and of all the studios where she worked. She spoke of culture in her family, the techniques she uses in her paintings, her solo exhibitions, her vision of creativity, her motivation for expressing herself through art, and her search for meanings within layers. Jurgita grew up in a creative home. Her grandmother was an artist, her father specializes in portraiture, her mother is an art critic for the National Museum in the Lithuanian capital, Vilnius, and her brother studied art and is a jewelry designer.

Jurgita studied Fine Arts in Lithuania, Iceland and Denmark, specialized in graphic art. “My upbringing in a household involved in art has allowed me to express my feelings”, she said. She described the creative environment she grew up by saying: “there were paintings and sculptures everywhere; it was a house of colors”. She reminisced about her childhood days in Vilnius: “Poets, musicians, novelists, artists and philosophers used to visit my father, Pranciskus, at our home and we kids were always introduced to them; and they would sign their books and creative works and give them to us as gifts”.

The Grandma

The artist, together with her jewelry designer brother, Darijus Gerlikas, put together and published a book dedicated to their grandmother, Petronele Gerlikiene (1905-1979), who was an intuitive artist. Jurgita remembers watching her grandmother embroider her work thread by thread, and painting spontaneously from memory. She adds: “She would finish her embroidery work surprisingly quickly, working directly from her imagination, without a pattern. And for her paintings on canvas she would use colors directly from the tube. She considered painting to be the same as education; she never received a formal school education”.

Speaking of her grandmother’s life, which was troubled by numerous tragedies during both World Wars, Jurgita added: “My grandmother started embroidering in 1972; and she started painting at the age of 71. Over the period of almost five years she produced more than 10 large tapestries and over 60 paintings”.

Jurgita lived in the family home in the capital of Lithuania until she was 20. She went on to tell us: “My mother, Danute Marijona, was an art critic and worked for the Museum of Vilnius. There were many discussions at home revolving around plastic arts exhibitions; culture was a major component of our family life”. Jurgita grew up in this artistic and creative atmosphere in Vilnius, a city that is over 1000 years old.

During her childhood, the family home was her first studio, and its walls the first creative space for artistic expression. But the walls were too large a space for a child eager to express herself through color; besides, those walls were not designed to be painted on. She added: “In my childhood, I started painting on the walls of my home, but my parents were quick to recognize my talent and they provided me with the paper, canvas, paint and tools that I needed”.

Artist Jurgita specialized in graphic art; she loves reading and writing poetry. She started writing in her childhood – and so poetry lives with her. Her engravings, her silkscreens, her digital art, all her artwork is poetic. There is poetry in her work, whether reflected in numerous colors or in monotone, black, white and their different tones. She said: “I try to express my feelings, my thoughts and reflections in words and color”.

The family home in Vilnius was like a “creative workshop”; paintings on the walls, statues, books, drawing tools, and discussions on culture. Jurgita studied art history in the Academy of Fine Arts in Vilnius and later moved to Iceland to study graphic art – from lithography, engraving, to silkscreen. She ended up spending a great many hours in the studio from where she breathed art, meditated on nature, and practiced drawing in the open air in the fields. It was also where she saw the exotic phenomenon called northern lights.

Speaking of the motivation behind her creative work which revolves around man’s inner world and the seeking of meanings inside layers, the artist said that: “It is about love, self-expression and the sharing of ideas, dreams and reflections”. She stressed that: “Creative people are hungry for knowledge, and for sharing this knowledge, love and expression. Art techniques are not an end in themselves, but love is the torch of creativity which makes life possible and more beautiful”.

Dubai

Jurgita visited Dubai on the 6th of November last year– that is three months ago. She toured the city’s landmarks and fell in love, because it is “the city of ideas, creativity and beauty which is reflected in day to day life” as she described it. She added: “I was astonished when I read the poems of Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum on his website which speak of love. I was impressed with the fact that the Ruler of Dubai is a poet who encourages creativity and education. This is what has made Dubai great where many cultures converge”. So I decided to stay in Dubai and to start interacting with all its cultural components.

The Lithuanian artist who had 12 solo exhibitions and several group exhibitions looks forward to organizing an exhibition in Dubai. She expressed her desire for sharing with others and for teaching art. She would also like to learn more about Arab culture, pointing out that this probably goes back to her childhood: “When my mother read stories to me, many were about Arab customs and traditions in the desert, and their generous nature. I used to listen to the stories and imagine Arab life and traveling through the desert”.

Technique

Jurgita lived in the Danish capital Copenhagen for seven years. During that period, 2003 to 2006, she held two graphic art exhibitions, and she learned to use non-toxic materials in her artwork. The method primarily uses water, ink and other materials in various tones. She executed print work in black and white in this field which employs the principles of photography. She also learned “digital graphics” and how to create impressionist work using this technique. She pointed out that “multi-media creativity enriches the artist’s experience which allows for new expressive spaces and new possibilities”.

She had a studio at Factory of Art and Design, previously an old laundry building that encompassed studios for painting, sculpture, multimedia, fashion and graphic art. “The Copenhagen experience was important to me because we could share opinions and studio doors were always open” commented Jurgita in a reference to the doors for dialogue and sharing experiences between artists being also open.

Inner World

Jurgita’s creative vision focuses on abstraction, because, she stressed: “I do not want to reproduce nature or the reality before our eyes”. Some of her work, especially her digital graphic art, is a dialogue of colors and with shapes overlapping to produce layers of varying color depths. In some of her work we see a flower or a leaf covering the entire canvas, revealing its inner details and overlapping other layers.

These paintings need further reflection to be able to unveil the layers of inner meaning; the inner references hidden underneath the creative ambiguity. In this aspect, the artist touches on Sufism, mysticism or the Zen philosophy which aims to “reveal the absolute within the limited”. Jurgita employs her poetic intuition in the creation of her artwork as if she were a color-full ascent, especially as she is also keen on philosophy and poetry.

In her engravings/ etching dialogues between abstraction and embodiment as “an expression of the overlap between fact and fiction” abound. She pointed out that “art raises more questions, which makes people search more and reflect more on the aesthetics of art”. The artist, who re-constructs the inner world and the surrounding environment from a poetic perspective, elaborated that: “abstraction, or re-construction, gives new meanings to ordinary things”.

The Solitude of the Zero Line

Embarking on a piece of art can be described as “the zero line”, that is the first condition in which the painting, sculpture, poem or piece of music is created. Speaking of that ritual, the artist Jurgita Gerlikaite says “Before starting any creative work, I enter moments of profound reflection, in creative isolation, where passions bubble and ideas form in the imagination in a joyful environment”. She describes this condition as “an extreme condition of passion and meditation, which takes me to the heights of aesthetic joy. At that metaphysical moment, all the experiences, feelings, and diversified cultures I have known intensify and I become highly in touch with them”.

“Distinctive Litvak legacy was created over the centuries and it constitutes an integral part of Lithuania’s history and culture. We trust that not only our citizens in Lithuania, but also Litvaks living all around the world will be joint together by this noble initiative to preserve the Litvak heritage for the present and future generations,” head of the working group, Lithuania’s Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Šarūnas Adomavičius said during the meeting.

The Vice-Minister noted that the Litvak Jews, who lived in Lithuania and also in the large region of Eastern and Central Europe, suffered terrible losses during the Holocaust, wars and occupations.

According to the Vice-Minister, the treasures of culture, art and science that were created by Litvaks are priceless for Lithuania and all mankind. Therefore, we share an important moral obligation to foster this heritage.

“The Litvak history, culture and contribution to the development of Lithuania and many other states are significant also today. The Litvak legacy has to be best-known in our society, especially to the youth, and promoted around the world as much as possible,” Vice-Minister Š.Adomavičius said.

The Vice-Minister acquainted members of the organization “Landsmannschaft der Deutschen aus Litauen e. V.” (The Community of Germans from Lithuania) with today’s political, economic and cultural relations between Lithuania and Germany, and highlighted the most important bilateral activities.

Vice-Minister Š.Adomavičius noted that Lithuania’s ethnic Germans living in Germany were a “human bridge linking the Lithuanian and German societies”, and invited them to engage more actively in the Lithuanian-German Forum that is well functioning.

“I am convinced that besides the official and diplomatic level, the activities of the forum promote the spread of the idea: “more of Lithuania in Germany and more of Germany in Lithuania”. I would like to take the opportunity to encourage you to participate more actively in the activities of the forum in Germany and, in this way, to contribute to fostering relations with Lithuania,” the Vice-Minister said.

The Organization “Landsmannschaft der Deutschen aus Litauen e. V.” was founded in 1951 in Germany. During the establishment, this organization united about 10 thousand members. Currently it has about 1 thousand members in entire Germany. Hardy Mett is the Chairman of the Community of Germans from Lithuania.

The Community publishes a periodical Die Raute (The Rue) four times a year. It reviews the Lithuanian-German relations, Lithuania’s political news and activities of the community. The Almanac Heimatgruss (Homeland Greeting) is published once a year.

Members of Lithuania’s Seimas (Parliament) and the Government, representatives from non-governmental organizations, diplomats from the Embassy of Germany in Lithuania also took part in the meeting with a group of Lithuania’s ethnic Germans who are paying a visit to Lithuania on 24 July – 3 August.

“Tell them that there are no cars and that women can be beaten and exchanged for new ones whenever you want,” he said, echoing similar rumours about Lithuania he had heard in foreign lands.

We were discussing the fact that many people in countries as close as Sweden or Germany had no idea about Lithuania, what its capital is and what language is spoken here and so on.

In fact the knowledge of the country in the world is appalling. On a visit to Belgium a few years ago, I had dinner with two doctors and their little daughter. The girl was just learning to speak, but they had high hopes that she would also become a doctor in future: a highly educated family.

They asked me about what I was doing in Europe and where I live and what my job is. I was halfway through a story about Lithuania when they stopped me and asked “sorry what country do you live in again?”

“Lithuania? Litauen? Lituanie? Lietuva? Litva?” I tried the names of this country in every language I knew. Didn’t ring a bell.

This couple had travelled to every continent on the planet except Antarctica, but they had no idea where Lithuania was, a European Union country already for five years at that time. They had no idea.

Another acquaintance of mine, who came to Lithuania from England also had massive troubles with the country. At first he was afraid to come here because it is in the wild wild east and he might get robbed or stabbed. Or both!

He imagined a land without electricity and without laws (okay, well that part is more or less true). Hard drugs were sold on the street and women carried AK-47s down the street. After all, this country was in the Soviet Union.

Other people I have spoken to think the country is on the Mediterranean sea somewhere near Malta.

So here is an opportunity I suppose. The Lithuanians who emigrate and those who travel could play a big role in the future of this country. The world doesn’t yet know the name of Lithuania. One day they will find out, but until then you have a blank page. Write in it whatever you want!

So, its up to you who go abroad. Perhaps you also want to go abroad and play silly games with uneducated people. Or maybe you’d like to go tell the world about the mountains of amber that everyone has in their garage. Tell them about the Seimas and how it was defended by the citizens and tell them about Lithuania’s great beaches on the Black sea.

Hold on is that a game or is that the truth?

The women in the prison who know how to knit are hard at work making socks for poverty-stricken people in the war-torn country where Lithuania leads a provincial reconstruction team in the Ghor region.

“About 100 or one third of all prisoners, all those who know how to knit, are knitting socks, gloves and scarves. They happily joined this goodwill action,” director of Panevezys prison Edvardas Norvaisas told Agence France-Presse.

The programme will last for a few months before the next rotation of troops into Afghanistan. Lithuanian soldiers will deliver the clothes to the poor in autumn when they arrive.

Winter temperatures in Afghanistan can go as low as -10 degrees Celcius.

This interview with Latvian Foreign Minister Aivis Ronis was published in “Diena” daily on July 23, 2010, provided by the Latvian Insitute.

A rare occasion in the contemporary history of Latvia: a minister has stood up for the people’s interests, saying that Swedish banks should share responsibility for what is going on in Latvia and that the issue should be addressed at the intergovernmental level. What is the idea of your proposal?

I was born and grew up in Kuldīga. As children, our history teacher told us a legend about Karl XII who had briefly taken refuge in the city to nurse his wounded leg. Although being wounded, he nevertheless kept his interest in material things and did some looting in Kuldīga. However in the end, he could not run away fast enough, and one chest with less valuable things was left behind.

Several centuries later we have good relations with Sweden. Karl Bildt’s political support in 1990s helped our peoples to overcome estrangement and all the unpleasant things that had happened during World War II, and the following years of isolation. We are in the EU together and therefore we were surprised when the Swedish Government, the Finance Minister and Prime Minister made not particularly considerate remarks about the crisis in Latvia when it broke out. The Latvian governments have invited Sweden not only to join the IMF loan scheme to Latvia, but also to jointly think and make practical efforts toward the renewal of the economies in the region. We all know now that the shower of credit deformed Latvia’s economic structure. We can’t quite say that Swedish banks had no part in this. Unfortunately, the banks did not bring along with them any other Swedish companies with long term investments. That is how it was. Now the Swedish and Latvian governments should work together in the atmosphere of solidarity on further facilitation of economic integrity, mutual division of labour, and integrity.

Second, our people, just like the Swedish people, deserve to know what mistakes were made by the regulators of financial services before 2008. As far as I have been unofficially informed, the Swedes have already carried out an internal investigation, and criticism of their regulator has been voiced also by the Swedish Parliament. Thus it is extremely important also for our people to get to know and understand what happened here and in Sweden. It would be an excellent example of cooperation, should the parliaments of two countries — the duty of which is also to supervise their regulators — establish a joint commission and have a critical look at all that. This would be in the interests of both our countries and the region as a whole.

An IMF study on credit boom in the EU makes it clear that the countries now unflatteringly called PIIGS and HELL underwent similar processes: the inflow of capital caused two booms – in the real estate market and in private consumption. This was German capital in Spain, Swedish capital in Latvia, etc. Have you any comments on that?

I have not read the document, but versions like this have appeared in our newspapers and expert opinions. In any case, it is important to take stock of errors made in public administration in order not to repeat them, even more so, to do that together with foreign partners.

It seems that in Latvia the foreign bank lobbies are so powerful that they spark off a sharp reaction to anything that contradicts them. This was also the case with the opinion of Prime Minister Valdis Dombrovskis, who said that it should be enough to cede the collateral to settle accounts with a bank. This does not seem to be good basis for further development.

It is normal that the opinions of experts and the government differ. Lobbies exist in all countries and for all industries. Still, I was mostly surprised by the assumption that through such a commission we will scare away investors. First, we are not turning against investors! Second, it seems to me that I am being intentionally misunderstood also in the sense that this would mean turning against banks. By no means! This is a call to realize and eliminate mistakes and then, for both countries, also to work closer together on the integration of their economies. We are a very important country for Sweden geopolitically, and they are no less important for us, and in the rest of the region, much depends on our cooperation.

There is an opinion among the public that our civil servants have not done much to defend our interests in the EU. Has the Foreign Ministry (MFA) clearly defined Latvia’s economic interests in Europe and in the world and is this policy being consistently implemented?

The MFA has always had instructions about attracting investment, for the most part in the areas which we as a country wanted to develop, but for which Latvia lacks both capital and knowledge. In regards to economic interests on the whole, the MFA definitely cannot define those separately from the rest of the government. Therefore we would very much like to see those common interests listed and more clearly defined. The foreign service needs some kind of national commissioning – a political decision of what investments or types of cooperation and in which sectors we seek in which countries. This would definitely be the government’s competence. Our current Prime Minister has this understanding, so does also the Minister of Economics and the Investment and Development Agency of Latvia (LIAA).

I don’t suppose our civil servants and diplomats deserve criticism for the way our interests are being represented in the EU. They have protected those interests according to how they have been defined. The problem was in the quality of the definition. And we at present are working closely together with the Prime Minister, the Minister of Economics and the LIAA, as well as with businessmen and [business] associations to define Latvia’s interests and goals as precisely as possible.

You had indirectly admitted that the influx of Swedish capital has harmed Latvia’s economy. A recent leak of information about Russia’s new foreign policy strategy contains a clear indication that a considerable amount of Russian capital is expected to flow toward the tangible economic sector of Latvia. Has Latvia defined its interests in this respect and how will they be protected?

I would like to highlight: the fact that the coming of the Swedish banks was good. Another thing is that they were obviously operating in an environment that was not very well organised. And it was bad that Swedish investment did not flow into other economic sectors in tangible ways.

Investors’ interest in Latvia is a positive phenomenon as it is. The fact that currently it is stronger from Russia’s side is nothing bad. It is bad that they do not have international competitors who would be interested in our economy, resources, areas for privatisation or cooperation opportunities. I have already said that Latvia, in order to regain its competitiveness and strength, should invite other Baltic Sea countries toward consolidation of strategic resources. Starting with the definition of which those resources are. And they should be kept under the control of our own capital. This would be the best tactic toward those countries and their businesses who at present would like to obtain these strategic resources for a cheap price. In principle, Russia has had its economic interests here for a thousand years. That is nothing new, neither is it bad. It is crucial that we are able to govern our country and to regulate the incoming investment.

What could be the explanation for positive dynamics in the Latvian-Russian relations at this very moment?

It would be an overstatement to call this extremely active dynamics, but it certainly is positive. Latvia’s foreign policy rests on three pillars: security guaranteed by NATO and the link with America; membership in the EU; and relations with neighbours which do not belong to those major alliances. The impact of the economic crisis also brings change to Russia. We have heard President Medvedev appeal to the Russians themselves for modernization of their country, which is a commendable move. The EU supports and engages in this modernization. It is in our interests that Russia, in compliance with standards, international norms and the EU interests, enters the World Trade Organisation. That would also mean the removal of protectionist barriers sometimes artificially imposed on trade with Russia, and make Russia a trustworthy business partner.

And not only that. We have also common interests with Russia not only in bilateral relations but also in the international arena. We share an identical understanding that Iran should not be allowed to obtain nuclear weapons. At the same time we have a totally different understanding about Georgia’s territorial integrity. And these similarities and differences cover a wide spectrum. It is unthinkable that the EU could cooperate increasingly less with Russia, and we are part of the EU. Economics, security, stability and peace in various regions are our common interests.

The same concerns NATO. Our soldiers serving in Afghanistan now also benefit from the cooperation between Russia and the Alliance. Non-military transit that unites us with Russia in relations with NATO is a totally new phenomenon in history. And this is good, because we are allies in combating terrorism. Similarly, our joint interest and cooperation might be in the fight against smuggling if Russia fought against it on its own side of the border and we on ours. This would require cooperation and coordination.

Our archives are fully accessible for Russian researchers. We have no access to Russian archives. We know in general what happened to the deportees and other citizens who suffered from Stalinism, but the work in archives and cooperation between our countries is required for a full understanding. Reconciliation within people’s hearts is a lengthy process and needs openness.

Doesn’t the focus of the public on the heavy historical legacy also hinder the relations with Russia? Whenever Russia is mentioned, most people immediately think of 9 May, and Molotov and Ribbentrop; moreover, among the public there is a lack of a common understanding about those dates and processes.

I have defined three priorities for myself, for those few months of my time in office in the MFA: attracting resources from abroad to our economy, removing obstacles on the path to attracting those resources, and third, the dignity of our state and community. In Riga, for some reason or other, Ribbentrop and Molotov still confront each other through monuments and on websites. They are long since dead, one of them, thank God, was also executed. The regimes and countries they represented have perished, which has only been to our benefit. They divided our country and society, and even today unfortunately their goals and propaganda seem to resurface now and again. Let us finally bury them both! It is Meierovics’ beliefs that should be alive here! We have our national days of commemoration. On other days people have the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution to do whatever they like and commemorate whomever they like, within the limits of the law.

You are working with the creation of new NATO strategies. How will our national interests be incorporated? In relation to the renewed relations between America and Russia, publically the view has emerged that the U.S. support for the Baltics is no longer at its previous level.

I worked in Madeline Albright’s group, which wrote the proposals for the NATO Member States and the General Secretary. Currently, the General Secretary, hopefully, based on that, is writing his draft concept, which will be up for discussion in September, so that the new strategic concept can be accepted at the NATO summit in November. At least in Albright’s group, the views of the Baltic countries were very much so taken into account – not less so than the views of other Member States. Before this, I, and many others, felt that the diversity of interests between the Member States would be much larger than it turned out to be in reality. The NATO cornerstone remains the principle of Article 5: One for all, all for one, and that is important to all. Not only did no one object to that, but indeed everyone stressed its importance.

The second message: NATO must engage in more political consultations with the EU. Third, new threats must be taken into account – cyber security, energy security, the fight for resources, climate change, the not-so-new terrorist threat, etc. That is in everyone’s interest, and it is clear that forces must be combined for the challenge ahead. While priorities may be laid out slightly differently, the interests of the Member States are the same.

Also because of that, I don’t agree with those that say Americans have lost interest in us here. This year, we have already had two joint military exercises, the United States has continued its presence and involvement in the region, and is a very good, reliable partner in Latvia’s security concerns. They say the same thing about us, and that has been shown with our soldiers’ involvement in NATO missions. We also invite the U.S. to not lose interest in the regions that we believe are important to us: the South Caucasus, Moldova’s territorial integrity, cooperation with Ukraine, etc.

In that regard, also concerning U.S. and Russian relations, it is in Latvia’s interest that those would be good relations, because we gain security from that. If these are friendly relations, and the U.S. has a bigger influence in Moscow, Russia’s neighbours will only benefit from that. Similarly, we can benefit if there is more practical cooperation between the U.S. and Russia, particularly in combating terrorism and in exchanging intelligence. Afghanistan is just as painful a problem to Russia as it is to NATO.

We also must mention France’s return to NATO and the importance of Germany’s increased role in the Alliance, from which we have benefited. Particularly important to our interests is Germany’s greater economic engagement in our region. The presence of Germany’s capital here is negligible in comparison to what it could be.

Not always does the general public see military cooperation as something positive. For instance, building in the dunes during a recent military exercise.

The training assignment was to attempt a landing operation on an undeveloped shore, which is important in a crisis situation if ports are not accessible. Still, Latvia may need allied assistance, military or humanitarian, it does not matter. Building the road you mentioned was an element of the exercise. The exercise proved that the Allies are able to set up their operation headquarters in the middle of the forest in three hours’ time. That is truly impressive. And this awareness makes us feel more secure.

At present, there is an ongoing dynamic activity in ND8 project about the so called Northern Dimension in order to raise the cooperation between the countries in our region to a new level. Why now, and what is the idea of the project?

The initiative was launched during the previous minister’s time. I am glad that our former Foreign Minister Valdis Birkavs together with former Danish Minister of Defence Søren Gade agreed to work on a study about what changes should be made to the Baltic-Nordic cooperation. The background for the initiative is Latvia’s current presidency within the framework of the Baltic states’ cooperation and the Danish presidency among the Nordic countries [Nordic Council of Ministers]. Both Foreign Ministries understood they have to take advantage of the situation. Currently we have a great many cooperation formats within various organisations and the purpose of the study was to assess whether all that could be rationalised, simplified and perhaps replenished with advanced ideas of what we should do together.

In August the other seven foreign ministers will visit Latvia and we will review the draft produced by Valdis Birkavs and the former Danish Minister of Defence, and will decide on further action. It is good that the draft is being written by experts not actively involved in politics, and there are already various ideas about future cooperation among our eight countries. Together we are one of the strongest regions in the EU. We were once even leaders as to economic growth. Together we are a considerable power and entity, and as we talked about the case of Sweden, the most important thing is that we have a great potential. It is vital for this potential to be supported by political will.

In my opinion, however, the goal of Nordic and Baltic cooperation should not be to turn us into Scandinavians. We needn’t wake up every morning with an inferiority complex because of not being, for instance, Swedish. Riga and our history gives Latvians a unique identity and potential.

Do you regret that a year ago you supported Grybauskaite’s candidacy during the presidential election?

Not at all. We work with the president closely. I can tell you that over the year Grybauskaite was able to reveal herself well. I think Lithuania is lucky to have such a president.

Do you feel the president’s support for yourself and the cabinet?According to the Constitution, we are independent institutions, and we do not necessarily have to have a united opinion on every issue. We hold discussions; sometimes we see certain things differently. Yet, in my opinion, we have the same opinion on vitally important issues.

What complaints do you hear, when you meet with the president?We definitely did not have any illusions that the president’s role during this year would be only to praise us: Look how well the government is working!Hurray! Applause! We ourselves see things were work is needed, where it is necessary to concentrate our strengths. For example, the fight against corruption, smuggling, and the shadow economy.

Yes, we are criticized and disciplined, but we still try to achieve tasks after listening to the criticism and proposals and after discussing them.

In the beginning of the term in office it seemed like the relations between the president and the cabinet were almost ideal. Later, we started seeing disagreements. Are things only getting worse with time?

I cannot say that we have a critical mass of issues on which there are big disagreements. Maybe there are different positions on some of the questions.

For example, regarding land. In my opinion, strengthening the self-government is a priority. It is impossible to strengthen them without giving them more power and responsibility. This is how we saw the issue of land. May be we did not coordinate this issue with the President’ Office fully, and the president’s proposal was adopted.

Talking about appointments to posts in the law enforcement, I can say that the government does not have some sort of special powers. I would like to wish success to the new prosecutor general in reforming the office and in improving its prestige.

When it comes to selecting candidates for the posts in various law enforcement institutions, however, our knowledge about proposed candidates is pretty limited. In this situation I said we knew nothing about the candidate for the prosecutor general’s post. The conversation with him in the parliamentary group was very brief.

In such a situation it is very hard to accept responsibility for appointing someone to such a post.

Once you said: “Not only the government, but also the Seimas and the president should be responsible for the finance policy. Was this a complaint against the president for avoiding responsibility for the finances and for blaming everything on the government?

No. I do not want to create an impression that there are some sort of major disagreements. During discussions in the Seimas sometimes we would like to see understanding why the government presents this or that decision in the area of finances. The amount of understanding, however, is increasing, even among some of the opposition members.

Even though we discuss this or that tax or financial issue with Grybauskaite, as an experienced economist, in the end we come up with common decisions.

Do you already have the president’s support for the future decisions regarding tax hikes in autumn?

We are not planning this. Therefore, there is no need to gain support.

Does this mean that you can guarantee that in the fall there will not be tax hikes?We are definitely not planning this at this time. We will see how things are, when it is time to form the budget.I can only assure you that Lithuania will not be pushed into debt up to its neck. To achieve this, we must reduce the deficit. This is our main goal. The president understands this very well and she often has said that for a few years there will not be any opportunities to be generous with our spending.

Your answer “we are not planning this at this time” is confusing. The period “at this time” can end tomorrow. Can you say clearly whether taxes will be increased?

The next question is how to achieve the goals related to the deficit reduction. Can we continue reducing spending, or should we look for additional income, or should we try to regain more revenue from the shadow economy.

We are discussing all those issues; sometimes our discussions are too open. We are looking for solutions, and the year and a half of our work in the coalition shows that we are capable of finding them.

Do your hear complaints from the president because of improperly implemented reform of the Government’s Chancellery and leadership of ministries and because of weak office of the Prime Minister’s Chancellery?

Well, we have different views. I, for example, do not know and do not assess the chancellors of other institutions that I do not know. I know the Seimas Chancellor. I think it was no accident that in one survey he was voted number one in terms of professionalism. I also value my chancellor – Deividas Matulionis, who was third in the same survey.

I understand that the bread and butter of journalists is to look for disagreements, biggest conflicts and accusations.

Just do not tell me that your relations with the president are ideal…I only want to remind you that the media constantly escalates certain things, for example, that Kubilius’s is in conflict with Vytautas Landsbergis. This has been continuing for over ten years. I have already gotten used to the apocalyptic visions related to the alleged disagreements between myself and Landsbergis.Yes, we know what foreign policy we are implementing.Compared with the past, I see certain natural changes in his area. I think there are fewer declarative-style positions and more consistent work. The most important goal in the foreign policy is to ensure Lithuania’s geopolitical security. This will be greatly influenced by the future perspective in the region between our country and Russia. I see potential for that region to gravitate closer towards Europe.

The president is responsible for setting the foreign policy directions and is responsible for implementing the foreign policy together with the government. Do you know what our foreign policy is?

What about the fact that we are turning away from the United States, as our biggest ally?

Over the past six months I visited the United States twice. I met with President Barack Obama and State Secretary Hillary Clinton. I do not see here any turning-way. I see a changed US policy towards Russia and our region. What this means we can see from positive things. Yet, we must monitor the situation closely and analyse it.

Will the president’s support for the government last at least until the end of the term of this Seimas?

I do not know whether the issue of support needs to be raised. Here is the essence: Do we agree on essential political issues? I see such a consensus.

The fact that sometimes we are unable to convince the public is our mistake and unfinished work.

How can you explain this paradox – the president, who supports you is the most popular among the public, while your ratings are the lowest?

Perhaps it is for the best that this is how we divide things… (Laughs!)

A government that comes to work during such a difficult time must choose whether to worry about its popularity or whether to concentrate on the works it must implement quickly and effectively. In this case, popularity plays a secondary role.

Of course, one always wants to see more understanding and appreciation from the public. In the end, however, you ask yourself whether you are really doing what you are supposed to be doing, and you go do what you have to do.

The EU foreign ministers also discussed the EU’s actions following the publication of the advisory opinion by the International Court of Justice on the declaration of Kosovo’s independence. On 22 July, the Court ruled that the declaration of Kosovo’s independence was not a violation of international law.

Minister A.Ažubalis welcomed the publication of the advisory opinion of the Court and highlighted that in the Western Balkans key attention had to be dedicated to regional cooperation, stability and closer relations with the EU. According to the Minister, the EU had to send a strong signal to Kosovo and Serbia, inviting these countries to open a dialogue with each other.

According to the head of Lithuania’s diplomacy, facts and arguments based on the international law showed that Kosovo was a unique case and, therefore, it was not a precedent for solving conflicts in other regions of the world.

Before the Foreign Affairs Council and the General Affairs Council in Brussels, the foreign ministers from the Baltic States and Nordic EU countries had a separate meeting to discuss the situation in Central Asia. Minister A.Ažubalis presented to his counterparts the results of his meetings with ministers of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.

“We are going to visit these countries in spring 2011, during Lithuania’s chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe,” Minister A.Ažubalis said.

The Minister stressed that Central Asia faced numerous challenges, such as water and energy resources management.

The crisis in Kyrgyzstan was also discussed. Lithuania’s Minister of Foreign Affairs said that he valued the decision of the OSCE Permanent Council to send a Police Advisory Group to this country. According to Minister A.Ažubalis, Lithuania’s OSCE chairmanship will pay considerable attention to this region.

On 25 July, the eve of the EU foreign ministers’ meeting, the political directors from the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of the Baltic and Benelux states (Belgium, Luxembourg and the Netherlands) held an informal meeting, during which the EU’s relations with strategic partners, the European Neighbourhood Policy and activities of the European External Action Service were discussed, and an agreement was reached to hold the Baltic and Benelux foreign ministers’ meeting this autumn.

Former members of the George W. Bush administration and critics of President Barack Obama have endorsed this narrative. It also contends that Obama’s foreign policy advisers are amateurs and beyond their depth. Among other things, they moved too quickly in withdrawing support for expanding NATO to Georgia and Ukraine, and in addition to their scrapping Bush’s anti-missile defense system in Europe, they have engaged in risky arms control agreements with Russia. And there is more: Obama has not staunchly resisted Kremlin claims that Russia enjoys a “special sphere of influence” throughout the former Soviet space. After the 2008 Georgian-Russian War, all of these accusations caused alarm in Central and Eastern Europe.

Lucas, the author of a book that pillories the Kremlin leadership—The New Cold War—has been a resolute supporter of the Baltic countries in their confrontations with Kremlin hard-liners. This year for his commitment to Lithuania’s security he was awarded the “National Defense System Medal.” His commentary on the charges leveled at Obama then are of special interest to anyone living in the East Baltic Sea region.

In commenting upon the claim that Obama has betrayed the Baltics, Lucas has observed. This “is a potent and poignant narrative. It is popular among Republican critics of the administration. If it were true, it would be a scandalous story. But in reality, (in) almost every element (it) is untrue.”

To provide perspective, one must acknowledge that Obama inherited a poisoned legacy from Bush including two wars and the worst economic recession since the Great Depression. It is especially noteworthy that the invasion of Iraq, and subsequent abuses associated with it, represented a monumental savaging of the very Western values that Bush and his associates had celebrated. “It was not just that western values and credibility were shredded, first by the contempt for international law, second by the failure to find the weapons of mass destruction, thirdly by the incredible incompetence of the American occupying forces, and finally by the scandalous abuses at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay.” Worse yet, all of these things were done “under the guise of a common cause: freedom.” Consequently, when members of the Bush administration correctly cited human rights violations in Chechnya, the Kremlin leaders responded that the Americans were engaging in double standards. “The final ignominy came during the Georgia war, when America’s impotence was starkly exposed. It was neither able to restrain Mr. Saakashvili, nor to deter Russia.” Lucas might have added: Had there been no Iraq War, Russia probably would not have risked one with Georgia.

Lucas concludes, when one considers the legacy that it inherited from Bush: “…it is actually rather surprising how much the Obama administration has achieved. The single most important decision has been the president’s personal decision to push through full NATO contingency planning for the Baltic states.” Furthermore, Obama has pledged to employ U.S. power to protect all three of them. “This year sees no fewer than four American military exercises in the Baltic states, involving thousands of troops, dozens of aircraft and ships, and intense involvement of everything from electronic intelligence to special forces.” Consequently, “Russian military planners are in no doubt now that America has serious plans and capabilities to defend its weakest allies.”

Lucas finds the Obama administration guilty of some mistakes in the former communist space in Europe, including: its failure to forewarn the Poles and Czechs that he was scrapping Bush’s anti-missile system; personnel limitations among U.S. diplomats in the area; and not inviting Azerbaijan’s leader to the recent Nuclear Security Summit, but when considering the charges against Obama—well, he finds them bogus.

In this connection, a few words should be said about Georgia since its summer war with Russia is responsible for fears about Russian aggression throughout much of the former Soviet space. It is significant that many Georgians take issue with the anti-Obama-pro-Bush narrative. According to Giga Zedania at IliaUniversity in Tbilisi, “One of the problems of the Bush administration was that it had no leverage over Russia, because there was no cooperation” between Washington and Moscow. “When these links are established that mutually benefit Russia and the United States, Russia will have more incentive to think twice before it does something like it did in 2008.” Or listen to Irakli Alasania, Georgia’s former Ambassador to the UN. “I strongly believe that if the U.S.-Russian relationship expands and grows closer, it will only benefit Georgia.”

Furthermore, recent trips to Georgia by Vice-President Joe Biden and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton have been applauded by the Georgia government; in particular, their pledge to protect the country against foreign aggression. In her visit to Georgia, Clinton demanded Moscow end its occupation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Because both President Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin have clearly stated that they welcome close relations with Obama, such pledges take on more meaning than similar ones that were made by the Bush administration but never acted upon. Indeed, many Georgians recall that under the Bush administration there was lots of tough talk when it came to Washington’s protecting Georgia but no concrete actions when it clashed with Russia in the summer of 2008.

Finally, Obama’s critics chastise him for caving into Russian pressure when he scrapped Bush’s plans for an anti-missile system in the Czech Republic and Poland. Last year, this development prompted prominent statesmen from the region to express their fears that their countries would be harmed by Washington’s re-setting relations with Moscow. But these noble dignitaries, all of whom played a vital role in bringing their countries into the democratic camp, ignored some important facts:

As Bush indicated, his anti-missile program had nothing to do with Russia’s awesome nuclear-missile strike capability. Conversely, the same holds true for not deploying it.

During his race for the White House, Obama indicated that he saw no reason to deploy a missile defense system in Europe that did not work to address a threat that had not yet materialized—namely, an Iran nuclear arsenal.

As U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates has indicated the new system championed by Obama is far more sophisticated than that which the Bush administration favored.

Consequently, Radek Sikorski, Poland’s Foreign Minister has indicated, he is quite happy with the Patriot anti-missile system that the Americans have begun to deploy in his country. Indeed, he has invited Russian observers to visit the project when it is completed. Such transparency is consistent with a re-set in relations between Russia and all members of the Western alliance.

Consequently, Lithuanians should welcome the Americans and Russians finding ways to address common security problems—assuming the Obama administration does not remain silent in face of actions from those hapless hard-liners in Moscow who remain mired in the cold war.

And one more thing: listen to Lucas’s message to all EU citizens. “So the grand narrative of betrayal by a cynical, weak and distracted superpower is phony. The real betrayal is different one: it is the betrayal of national and European interests by the politicians charged with promoting them. If Ukraine’s security is in trouble, it is not America’s fault, but Ukraine’s politicians. If Europe fails to gain American respect and attention, then it is because Europe’s leaders are weak, distracted and cynical.”

Perhaps Lucas is being too harsh here but no one can argue with the observation that as Washington’s influence in world affairs diminishes, Europe must help fill those spaces of instability left vacant by the Americans. But is Europe ready to re-set relations with a world in turmoil or will it choose to be a mere bystander?

Dick Krickus is professor emeritus at the University of Mary Washington and has held the H. L. Oppenheimer Chair for Warfighting Strategy at the U.S. Marine Corps University.

***In the fall, Dick Krickus will be serving as visiting professor of international affairs at Vytautas Magnus University.

The U.S. Department of Defence did not identify the detainees under the arrangements made with the Latvian government.

State Secretary of the Interior Ministry Ilze Pētersone said: “The former Guantanamo inmate had already arrived in Latvia. Latvian authorities will do everything in their power to integrate this person in society and make sure he does not pose a threat.”

The number of prisoners remaining at Guantanamo is 176. Two others were transferred last week to Algeria and Cape Verde

“The United States is grateful to the government of Latvia for its willingness to support U.S. efforts to close the Guantanamo Bay detention facility,” the Pentagon said.

After U.S. President Barack Obama decided to shut down the Guantanamo prison, other EU countries, including Germany, Spain, France, Ireland, Portugal and Hungary, have already admitted former prisoners of this military facility.